War & Peace (International Security) Essay Example for Free

War Peace (International Security) Essay For almost half a century humans have sought principles for the maintenance of their security and the peaceful settlement of their disputes. Each historic period has witnessed the emergence of new concepts or an instance of re-emergence of old with trust that the mistakes of the past would not be done again. After the Cold War mankind has entered again such a period of doubt and research. The framework of international relations has changed so meaningly over the last decade that it is fair to declare that a new era has begun. This era offers hope, but no condition of being certain. Some unanimity has become obvious: that this new era needs a many-sided approach to the resolution of its conflicts, some that came from the past, some generated in the chaos of adaptation to new conditions of growing freedom, of enmity reborn, and of increasing challenges to the peace required for security of people. After the Cold War, globalization increased the motives for states to pursue more cooperative security policies, in particular at the regional level. In what follows, this paper looks at the main transformations in the structure of international security over the last decade. How is one to understand the structure of security at the global level? The paper considers how globalization in general and particular aspects of it became securitized by the actors in the international arena. Main Body Any coherent regionalist approach to international security must begin by establishing clear distinctions between what constitutes the regional and global level. Distinguishing the regional from the global is not easy task. The easy part is that a region must surely be less than the whole, and of course much less. There would not be much opposition to the claim that the United States is a global level actor. But the problem emerges when one tries to determine particular actors. Should Russia be regarded as a global power or a regional one? What about China? Traditional realism does not help in this task because it usually positions states as great, middle, or small powers. Traditional realism does not regard the powers that are structurally significant at the regional level. How the structures are defined shapes the nature of international security. For this reason it is better to approach the global–regional boundary by starting from the top down. Both the neorealist and globalist theories focus on an idea of global structure. Neorealism is considers two levels, system and unit. Neorealists either underestimate or disregard all levels except the system one. Neorealism is to some extent strong on territoriality. Potential harmony between it and the regionalist perspective is possible, specifically when states are the main actors. There is room for controversy between neorealism and regionalism when the security agenda moves to issue areas other than military-political, to actors other than the state, and to theories of international security other than materialist (Wohlforth 42). In addition, the most abstract and theoretically ambitious variants of neorealism (for example, Waltzs) tend to understand system in such abstract terms that territoriality disappears. From the regionalist perspective of international security discussed in this paper, a key weakness of both the neorealist and globalist approaches to international security is that they exaggerate the role of the global level, and disregard the role of the regional one. Neorealism in a simple manner chooses not to consider much the levels below the systemic. To the degree that globalism disregards territoriality particularly and levels in general, it is not an appropriate approach for considering things still defined in territorial terms. However, the more reasonable versions of globalism do give room for a regionalist perspective. The regionalist perspective is chosen approach to analyze international security. Friedberg (2000) indicated â€Å"the regional level stands more clearly on its own as the locus of conflict and cooperation for states and as the level of analysis for scholars seeking to explore contemporary security affairs† (7). This approach can be described as a post-Cold War focus concentrating on two assumptions: 1. That the decline of superpower competition decreases the penetrative quality of global power interest in the rest of the world (Friedberg 160); and 2. That most of the great powers in the post-Cold War international system are now pulled away. The argument of this paper is that the global level of international security over the last decade can best be understood as one superpower plus four great powers. It is essential to distinguish between superpowers and great powers even though both are at the global level. Then it is necessary to differentiate that level from the one defined by regional powers and regional security complexes. Almost nobody debates that the end of the Cold War had a considerable impact on the whole organization of international security. But, more than a decade after the transformation, the character of the post-Cold War security order still remains eagerly disputed. Over the last decade the regional level of international security has become both more self-governing and more leading in international politics. Katzenstein (2000) concludes that the ending of the Cold War accelerated this process. This thought comes naturally after the ending of bipolarity. Without superpower competition intruding all-absorbing into all regions, local powers have more room for tactic. For a decade after the ending of the Cold War, both the remaining extremely powerful states and the other great powers (China, EU, Japan, Russia) had less stimulus, and displayed less desire, to take a decisive role in security affairs outside their own regions. The terrorist attack on the United States on the September 11, 2001 may well give rise to some affirmation of great power interventionism. However, this is likely to be for quite narrow and particular purposes, and seems improbable to recreate the general will to step abroad that was a characteristic of Cold War superpower competition. The definite autonomy of regional security over the last decade forms a pattern of international security relations fundamentally different from the steadfast structure of superpower bipolarity that was common during the Cold War. The regional structure of international security is the relative balance of power of, and relative relationship within it between, regionalizing and globalizing trends. The central idea in the regional structure distinguishes between the system level cooperation of the global powers. Since most security threats travel undoubtedly over short distances than over long ones, international security interdependence is normally arranged into regionally based divisions: security complexes. As Friedberg (2000, 5) discuses: â€Å"most states historically have been concerned primarily with the capabilities and intentions of their neighbors†. Security complexes may well be largely penetrated by the global powers. However, their regional dynamics have a considerable degree of autonomy from the plans set by the global powers. Usually, two main levels dominate security studies: national and global. National security– for example, the security of France–is not in itself a significant level of study. Because security branches are intrinsically relational, no nations security is self-contained. At the same time, global security refers at best to a strong desire, not a reality. The globe is not tightly characterized by integration in security terms. Except for the special case of superpowers and great powers discussed above, only little can be said at this level of generalization that will reflect the real conflicts and problems in most countries. The region, in contrast, is connected with the level where states or other units cooperate together very closely and their securities cannot be analyzed separate from each other. The regional level is the space of national and global security mutual action, and where most of the operations occur. Both the security of the divided units and the process of international power intervention can be understood only through comprehension of the regional security dynamics. The best understanding of the dynamics of international security could be achieved by treating global and regional levels as distinct, and considering how they played into each other. On the basis of a distinction between superpowers and great powers international security has outlines as follows: Over the last decade the global power structure shifted to 1 + 4. The USA remained as a superpower, and China, the EU, Japan, and Russia as great powers. There was some mobility in the pattern of regional prospective. North and South America continued to be much as before. The breakdown of the Soviet Union meant that two (and for a while almost three) regional security complexes emerged in Europe. In Asia, the integration of the Northeast and Southeast Asian complexes brought the total to two. In Africa, the Southern Africa complex spread into Central Africa, and a Central African RSC came into view increasing the number to four. If to consider the Middle East as one, then the global total in 2001 was eleven. Thinking about the future, 1 + 4 remains the most probable structure for at least a couple of decades. A shift to 2 + x is connected with the possibility that either China or the EU will be elevated to superpower status. Kapstein (1999) and Hansen (2000) share the widely held view that the emergence of a second superpower within the next two decades is unlikely (79). More likely is a transformation to 0 + x. This could happen little by little if the USA experiences a long-term relative decline in its material assets in regard to other powers, or quite quickly if the USA decides to give up its superpower role and become a normal great power. Some writers, particularly Wohlforth (1999) and Krauthammer (1999), are strong supporters of an unipolarist strategy for the USA. This general course seems to have been made stronger both by the Bush administration and by the US acts in regard to 11 September. Waltz (2000) sees a multipolar world with the USA as one pole. South Asias strong regional securitization was strengthened over the last decade. Post-Cold War, South Asia was chiefly affected by the 4 element of 1 + 4. While Post-Cold War developments increased the possibility of the Asian super complex unification into a full Asian regional security complex, it was not absolutely matched by securitization of China in India. In South Asia, the strongest concern is a possible change of essential structure made up of the organization of an internal and an external change. East Asia witnessed the merger of two previously independent regional security complexes, Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia. In East Asia, like in South Asia, the breakdown of the Soviet Union contributed considerably to the relative empowerment of China and its movement towards the centre of the US debate about possible peer competitors (Buzan and Little 13). It also generated to the emergence of a security regime in Southeast Asia and the union of the Southeast and Northeast Asian regional security complexes. The US activities in the region contributed to the incensement of securitization between it and China. They also dampened down securitizations of China elsewhere in the region. China is chief but possibly not in the near future powerful enough to create a centered Asian regional security complex. The Middle East is to some extent very much like Asia, a region where strong local controversy dynamics intersect with a mighty US presence and worries about the future of the US role. In this regional security complexes, the shift to a 1 + 4 structure generated a period of unipolar intervention by the USA intended at a kind of coercive desecuritisation (Friedberg 68). This made a considerable impact on the local division of power, supporting Israel and hammering Iraq. This also put all of the former clients of the Soviet Union into a weaker position. The Middle Eastern regional security complex has experienced some medium-scale transformations. Over the last decade, Africa underwent the reduction of external support for the postcolonial state structures. Since sub-Saharan Africa, similar to South America, has no neighboring great powers, it was not much influenced by the 4 element of 1 + 4 (Wohlforth 40). Dynamics of securitization were driven downward to the domestic level and upward to the international one. Africa is possibly to become the home of four regional security complexes. In Africa, the concern is about the formation and evolution of regional security complexes in a subcontinent dominated by state failure. There is the lack of much interest or intervention on behalf of the global powers, and the not absolutely strong roles of transnational organizations. In Europe, the end of overlay disclosed both the centrality of the European Union as the main international security institution, and the growing of the stakes in the global great power status, or not, of the European Union (Buzan and Little 37). It also demonstrated the difference between the international security community dynamics of Western Europe in comparison with opposition formation dynamics in the former Soviet Union and its former empire. For the Central and South-eastern European countries caught in the middle, this contrast determined their whole foreign policy problematic. The collapse of the Soviet Union not only replaced one of the superpowers, but also created a new regional security complex. In both Europe and the post-Soviet region, the regional and international levels play considerably into each other because the regional activities are responsible for the emergence and distribution of a great power. What is striking about the US power in Europe, East Asia, and South America (however, not the Middle East) is the level to which its position has become institutionalized through the creation of super regional projects including Atlanticism, Asia-Pacific, and pan-Americanism (Buzan 2000). These projects commonly involve a strong mixture of super regional economic organization, and mutual defence and security processes, the special mix varying depending on the local conditions and history. These projects enable the USA to appear to be a powerful member of these regions. Where super regional projects are present, it is quite usual for the United States to be considered, and probably to consider itself, as a member of those security regions. By putting the USA inside these regions, super regional projects make less distinct the crucial distinguishing feature between regional and international level security processes. They also make them difficult to see from within the United States. This blurring becomes a significant tool for the supporting of the USAs sole superpower position, not least in keeping from the emergence of more autonomous regional coalitions that might be a threat to its influence or its primacy. This is not to refuse to recognize that these projects have considerable and sometimes positive political effects. But they can also contribute to the problems in terms of distinguishing between being a superpower and being a great or regional power. The US security role in East Asia, South America, and Europe can be compared with its role in the Middle East. The US’ role is an outside global power penetrating into the affairs of the regions. The main point to support this theory is that there can be disputes concerning an outside power withdrawing, or being expelled, from the region concerned (Buzan and Little 69). For example, Germany cannot detach itself from Europe, nor Japan from East Asia, nor Brazil from South America. But the US can withdraw itself (or be withdrawn) from Europe, East Asia, and South America. There are numerable debates both in the USA and in those regions (and also the Middle East) regarding the desirability or not of such transformations. Conclusion The attacks of 11 September showed how much international security is produced by the specific interactions of regional and global security dynamics. It is clear that the structure of international security is defined by the interplay of regions and powers. Regional security complexes analysis offers a significant tool for analyzing and understanding not only the past and present structures and processes of international security, but also the future transformations. This paper argued that the regional level of security is significant and is a considerable part of the overall area of security in the international system. Bibliography Buzan, Barry, and Richard Little 2000. International Systems in World History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Friedberg, Aaron L. 2000. In the Shadow of the Garrison State: Americas Anti-Statism and Its Cold War Grand Strategy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Hansen, B. 2000. Unipolarity and the Middle East. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press. Kapstein, Ethan B. 1999. Does Unipolarity Have a Future? , in Kapstein and Mastanduno 1999.

Middle Eastern Religious Perspectives on Software Piracy :: Computers

Middle Eastern Religious Perspectives on Software Piracy Introduction Illegal software (pirated, illegally copied, etc) in the Middle East is a rampant problem. It is estimated that 74% of software in Lebanon is illegal, while 37% of software in Israel is illegal1. The lack of intellectual property laws has been sited for the problem; even with these laws being introduced it might not resolve the issue. Though joining the World Trade Organization (as many Middle Eastern countries have recently done) forces the countries to officially recognize copyright law will this affect the citizen’s view of copyright? Religion is a fundamental part of the Middle East with some countries laws derived from religious text. I believe by analysis of religious texts and law I can hope to gain perspective into the views on software piracy. I will focus on Jewish law and Islamic Fatwas. Once the religious perspective on copyright is derived I will analysis if the religious perspective holds up to general ethical analysis. My goal is not to judge (e.g. say co pying of software is wrong therefore those who copy software are bad), but rather gain insight into the religious perspectives towards software piracy. Jewish Law (Torah) 'Torah' has the following meanings2: 1. A scroll made from kosher animal parchment, with the entire text of the Five Books of Moses written in it by a sofer [ritual scribe]. This is the most limited definition. 2. More often, this term means the text of the Five Books of Moses, written in any format, whether Torah scroll, paper back book, CD-ROM, sky-writing or any other media. Any printed version of the Torah (with or without commentary) can be called a Chumash or Pentateuch. However, one never refers to a Torah Scroll as a Chumash! 3. The term 'Torah' can mean the entire corpus of Jewish law! This includes the Written and the Oral Law, which includes the Mishna, the Midrash, the Talmud,

Public accountability Essay

Do you support that Public accountability an erosion under the current mode of governance and market-oriented reforms? Why or why not? Elaborate your answer with examples on operationalization of public accountability in the current context. There are various moral problems that have faced civil servants in their daily work such as the difficulty of having to meet the requirements of the Government and citizens at the same time; distinguish between discretionary and arbitrary; the temptation of using the position as a function of their own benefits; the asymmetry between the administration and the citizens; the excessive bureaucracy and the lack of transparency, among others. Hence the need to create a environment where it be present more transparency paying continuous attention to building a righteous human behaviour because public accountability is a continuous activity, not an ideal state to be achieved. Consequently, accountability is vital because it’s central theme the i dea of ​​service and therefore is a key factor to improve the quality of public administration through the honest, efficient, objective and upright conduct of officials in management of public affairs. The transparency carries with it elements that citizens share, regardless of their religious beliefs, their family relationships, their profession, their  craft; common elements which help society to live in harmony according to principles of justice, freedom, equality and solidarity in order to make human relations more satisfying. When the transparency is applied and implemented in the public service is called Public Liability, also called accountability. The idea that accountability is linked to run the society as an active part of the state in which the information is flowing both upwards and downwards and thus be able make real use of social control. It is clear that, transparency and accountability become characteristic and distinctive governance aspects by themselves in public administration, however they also become markers of socially responsible behaviour with other aspects, this is why it is important not to considered transparency and accountability synonyms as social responsibility, since the previous ones are an expression of a specific aspect of the management process and decision-making of an organization (the evaluation and control for example), whereas the social responsibility should embrace and transcend all phases and activities of the management of an organization. In the present times, there is an increasing conviction that accountability is an important activity for organizations to develop confidence and legitimacy with other social actors, which relates within their own field. This belief has several origin some of them are conceptual, because accountability is part of a framework of values ​​th at play on the notion of democracy. Accountability is also associated with the necessary transparency in which public services must perform towards the citizens, particularly to the access of information, but it also to the results achieved by public institutions in the fulfilment of their mission, consequently, the creation of institutional mechanisms to control and social supervision as an institutionalized practice related to the democratic accountability of public management implies the existence of political and administrative systems with a high degree of political legitimacy and administrative efficiency. However, the action of accountability is not effective by itself. If there is no an active and vigilant civil society to be vigilant and report anything incorrect behaviour, which is why the public services should promote engagement and citizen control reducing the costs of such activity by strengthening citizen participation in the procedures for the development of dispositions of general character, expanding the participation of representatives from civil society on management boards of  organizations and public agencies, to effectively ensure accessing to the records and public archives by concerned citizens, open to the public meetings for public decision making, boost customer surveys of public services, developing systems such as random selection of citizens to participate in discussions on specific procedures. Accountability does not only relate to control, to motivate and to convince, but is a concept related to better management and guidance for organizations. Accountabili ty can be used for to manage, to guide and control more effectively the institution. The incorporation of the accountability model where the government â€Å"receives† a command to perform a range of tasks by the society, and therefore the Government becomes â€Å"accountable† to the society for this task, the government held to account to society for the task that was entrusted. This accountability model includes two directions that are accountable for: horizontal and vertical. The horizontal axis is related to a system in which the power is divided and balanced with a set of checks and balances, in which the law and a variety of public Institutions are included. Meanwhile, the vertical axis is related to the public opinion and election mechanisms, through which the citizens can approve or disapprove an officer through the ballot. In order to achieve a state that is capable of responding to the challenges and requirements from civil society, it is necessary besides th e modernization of public administration, the redesign of the state to enable it to respond with the levels of relevance, quality and effectiveness expected from the civil society through public policy. This is why it is necessary further democratic reforms of the State which allows citizens to participate actively in the public administration and in the selection, formulation and implementation of the public policies. However probably one of the most important and challenging obstacles to be overcome in public management in Latin America, to respond efficiently and timely basis to the current and future requirements from civil society and the private sector, is related to the resistance to change that many public services have to modernizing processes and big changes sometimes affect the processes of governance, especially in regards to the public participation in the actions of the State from both, public services and in its policies and programs. Accountability in this region is almost inexistent. On the one hand, there is no favourable framework conditions, laws, government  regulations and culture they are not prone to this practice, moreover, in organizational terms, dimensions such as size, seniority and / or centralization, are critical to define the scope of possible actions. The concept of accountability systems has proven to be very plastic. It could be understood as a range of ideas r anging from the mere access to information, the effective responsibility in the performance of a task, in terms of effectiveness and values; it can also include the time of coercitivity or obligation both legally and morally, and they may empower different public to access information, to be capable to exercise assessments or to apply sanctions. If accountability is taken merely as a monitoring mechanism it could help to avoid misbehaviour, but its greatest potential can be accomplished when it is viewed as a tool to improve the skills of public institutions and moral resources to make the good. The strategic time of accountability implies that the organization is aware that it needs the trust of their audiences, legitimacy from other entities and most of all the loyalty of its employees. Since the year 2000, in Latin America have been expressing a need for modernization and rationalization of the governments, developing in particular the New Public Management approach, which consists of replacing the bureaucracy with a flexible, efficient management, goal-oriented and concerned about the results and where all of those management techniques that allow to define objectives, determining responsibilities, control costs, and establishing indicators are important to measure outcomes, such the implementation and use of more suitable methodologies for accountability. This has shaped ​​the called Public Administration Accountability to taxpayers, which is founded on the â€Å"Value for Money† which relies on three concepts: Economy, Effectiveness and Efficiency, which must be considered holistically and not on an individual basis, where economy is referred to the relationship between the market and the inputs or supplies through the prices of these, where efficiency is the ratio between the product obtained and the desired objectives, including the criteria for the Quality and Service Access are included, efficacy may include Excellence and Equity as well, and finally Efficiency is the relationship between inputs and outputs that is the cost per unit of service. There is an school of thought, the Guideline to the Public Service, which considers not only the important issue of the effectiveness of the  Government, but it also maintains that the fundamental challenge is to address the democratic deficit of the current bureaucracies, which focuses strictly in Governance. There isn’t a shortage of ideas and concrete proposals to improve transparency, accountability and political responsibility, and thereby to achieve authentic accountable governments. The majority of these proposals agree on the essential: governmental activities should be made more open for the citizens and they should audit them more diligently, demanding spe cific liabilities to government officials, whether this are elected, appointed, or career officers. It is may be necessary go even further and restore the essence of the same political institutions, so that the transparency and accountability should become effective at all levels and areas of public administration in the region. Therefore, is desirable and also necessary to strengthen the accountability of elected officers with respect to their constituencies as well as to give more effective participation of citizens in decision-making. That is to say, to ensure that the government-at all levels and areas-are truly accountable to the citizens. This requires progress towards a participatory democracy that complements the existing representative democracy, as noted at times it becomes merely delegative. It is possible that the examples of reforms that are proposed below may contribute not only to strengthening the culture of transparency and accountability, but also the quality and on the same the performance of Latin American democracies; for the latter, it is also possible that this type of reform to raise public trust in the democratic institutions. It is possible that in the example of reforms such as the one which is proposed below contribute not only to strengthening the culture of transparency and accountability, but also the quality and on the same the performance of Latin American democracies; for the latter, it is also possible that this type of reform to raise public trust in the democratic institutions. Semi-direct democracy: The mechanisms are counted in a prominent place, the revocation of mandate, the referendum or plebiscite and popular initiative. The adoption of mechanisms of semi-direct democracy is a way to strengthen vertical accountability in other words to the citizens from all the elected public servants. The popular revoking the mandates may constitute an  important element in favour of responsible government. For example, if an elected municipal officer or a legislator is not carrying out in an appropriate manner the a task for which he was elected, that is, if it does not render satisfactory accounts to their constituents, a group of these could be organized to demand the convening of a consultation in the corresponding voters decide whether the official or legislator continues in office or not. If the semi-direct democracy is implemented, the more power is granted to sub-national governments and citizen participation spaces significantly are extended it might make more accountable governments and bring government closer and the civil service to the sovereign, the people. It is true that the semi-direct democracy mechanisms can be defeated, be emptied of contents and becoming plebiscitarian forms of government. However, in a democratic and participative vein, it seems preferable that the citizens can revoke mandates and propose, approve or deny major initiatives, rather than leaving all this in the exclusive hands of the lawmakers or the executive. In conclusion, what is proposed in the entire mode of governance in favour of accountability is that citizens become more active, direct and effective in the monitoring and the conduction of public affairs part. Since the world of politics is not angelical. It is an illusion to think that there will be accountable and effective, c lean and open government, if citizens do not demand it. There will be no participatory democracy if we do not participate. 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(1982). Corporations and morality. New York: Prentice Hall. Ezzamel, M., Robson, K., Stapleton, P., & McLean, C. (2007). Discourse and institutional change: ‘Giving accounts’ and accountability. Management Accounting Research, 18(2), 150–171. Ezzamel, M., Willmott, H., & Worthington, F. (2008). Manufacturing shareholder value: The role of accounting in organizational transformation. Accounting, Organizations and Society, 33, 107–140. Foucault, M. (1982). Afterword: The subject and power. In H. Dreyfus & P. Rabinow (Eds.), Michel Foucault: Beyond structuralism and hermeneutics (pp. 208–226). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Foucault, M. (1997a). On the genealogy of ethics: An overview of work in progress. In P. Rabinow (Ed.), Ethics: Subjectivity and truth (pp. 253–280). London: Allen Lane. Foucault, M. (1997b). What is critique? In S. Lotringer & L. Hochroth (Eds.), The politics of truth: Michel Foucault (pp. 23–82). New York: Semiotext(e) [L. Hochroth, Trans.]. Francis, J. (1990). After virtue? Accounting as a moral and discursive practice. Accounting, Auditing and Accountability Journal, 3(3), 5–17. Giddens, A. (1984). The constitution of society. Cambridge: Polity Press. Gray, R. (2002). The social accounting project and accounting organizations and society. Privileging engagement, imaginings, new accountings and pragmatism over critique? Accounting, Organizations and Society, 27(7), 687–708. Siddiquee, Noore Alam 2005, ‘Public accountability in Malaysia: challenges and critical concerns’, International Journal of Public Administration, vol. 28, no. 1, pp. 107-129. Siddiquee, Noore Alam 2006, ‘Public management reform in Malaysia. Recent initiatives and experiences.’, The International Journal of Public Sector Management, vol. 19, no. 4, pp. 339-358. Roberts, J. (1991). The possibilities of accountability. Accounting, Organizations and Society, 16(4), 355–368. Roberts, J. (1996). 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Descartes s Theory Of Mental And Physical Components Essay

Descartes, a well known philosopher, proposed that the mental and physical components are different things. Considering they are casual connections between the mind and body and the mind and body are two independent substances. I will argue that these premises proposed by Descartes are not reasonable and the theory which best accounts for the â€Å"problem of interaction† is the identity theory. Rene Descartes opposed that the mind was a separate substance from the body which then created the mind-body problem, Under Descartes opposed Cartesian dualism he believed there was other physical substances along with his mind such as his body. He then thought there was two various beings that the universe contains. One being physical substances which would be our body in this case and the second being non-physical which would be our mind. Furthermore, he believed even though the mind and body are two different entities; however there yet still seems to be causal interactions between the two which can typically be explained through the brain. He then proceeds to lay down certain premises which helps him reach the conclusion which is made. The first premise made is that there is existence of the mind, but he cannot argue the same thing about the body. The rejection of the dualism laid down by Descartes is the main causation which leads to the â€Å"problem of interaction† Rene Descartes expanded on the mind-body problem through his philosophical writings by focusing on his dualist views,Show MoreRelatedThe Common Notion Of Minds Essay1705 Words   |  7 PagesThe common notion about minds is that they are incredibly simple things that we should easily have the full extent of knowledge on since after all we are constantly using one. It seems completely self-evident as Descartes put it â€Å"I think there for, I am†, that we are a mind and that there is nothing strange going on up there but there is much more to the story here. It’s taken for granted far too much that we have any idea of what a mind is and is not. There are quite a numerous amount of differentRead MoreMind-Body Connection Essay1202 Words   |  5 Pagesconsciousness and the brain. Many throughout history have often wondered what causes the connection between the mental portion of the mind and the physical state of the body. A variety of different topics have been propos ed. Most fall under either the dualist or monist theories. Many philosophers have debated their theories on the mind-body connection to include such philosophers as Descartes and Plato. More recent researchers have moved beyond the dualist conceptions of body and mind towards a unifiedRead MoreFor Descartes And More One Common Dominator Between The1523 Words   |  7 PagesFor Descartes and More one common dominator between the two is the belief that the essence of the body is merely extension. Within the Fifth Meditation, Descartes addresses a premise that results in being the building block to his conception on extension being the essence of bodies. He asserts, we can’t know that physical stuff exists without a doubt considering deception, for instance the dream dilemma presented by Descartes. Hence, how do I know objectively and soundly that my sensory knowledgeRead MoreEssay on The Philosophy of Cognitive Science2158 Words   |  9 Pagesbeen insistently discussed in t he philosophical tradition and several solutions have been proposed. Such solutions are properly philosophical or require a scientific approach. First, I will expound the philosophical solution to the MBP proposed by Descartes, to be followed by an exposition of Ryles criticisms to the solution. Second, from Ryles criticism, I will deduce a scientific solution to the MBP related to the neural framework model of mind in cognitive science by means of what I call the principleRead MoreAn Examination Of Sir William Hamilton s Philosophy, And Of The Principal Philosophical Questions1908 Words   |  8 Pagesjustify our belief that there are other minds beside our own. It is often claimed that the Problem of Other Minds was in fact first introduced by Rene Descartes, his interpretation of minds as separate entities gives rise to not only his problem of mental causation but also the Problem of Other Minds. Descartes theory that dogs cannot have mental states gives rise to the question of how other humans can then have minds if when experiencing pain an animal would act in a similar way to a human beingRead MoreMind And Its Relationship With The Mind1366 Words   |  6 Pagesexistence is its owner. That is; the mind differs from those familiar physical stuffs which can easily be defined in terms of their characteristics. Facing the thorny problem, the debate between dualists and physicalists about the nature of mind and its relationship with the body is becoming intense. In this paper I will maintain that the epiphnomenalism is not â€Å"repugnant†, but rather it is squat and resilient would be the best theory to illustrate the relationship between mind and body. The paper consistsRead MoreRichard Taylor And His Belief Of The Anatta Doctrine Essay2052 Words   |  9 PagesThroughout this entire semester, several theories in regards to the idea of personhood were reviewed and analyzed in detail. After reviewing all the pertinent material, I concluded that Ric hard Taylor and his belief of the Anatta Doctrine were easiest to understand, while also being a philosophical belief that makes most logical sense to me. This concept was supported by the general theory of Buddhism. It was rather difficult to understand past readings by Descartes, for example, because they were so confusingRead MoreThe Mind And The Self Duality2316 Words   |  10 Pagescan be described as a notion that the mind and the body are two separate components. Descartes believed that human beings were made up of â€Å"matter† the physical side of human beings responsible for walking and talking (Alanen, 2003). Then the mind, he said is non-physical (often referred to the soul) which is responsible for thinking and thoughts and even memories (Barker and Morris, 2005). Descartes suggested that the physical body follows the same pattern in everyday living within the norms whichRead MoreBiopsychosocial and Biomedical Model of Health1636 Words   |  7 Pagesabout his or her condition and indirectly influenced, the being’s mental and physical condition. From these interactions with other people and experiences, Hippocrates wrote about health and healing. After him came Claudius Galen, a greek physician who referred to disease causing organisms as the source of diseases and illness. These organisms are today called pathogens – bacteria, virus and other infectious agents, until his theory came into light diseases and illness were viewed as consequencesRead MoreBiopsychosocial and Biomedical Model of Health1648 Words   |  7 Pagesabout his or her condition and indirectly influenced, the being’s mental and physical condition. From these interactions with other people and experiences, Hippocrates wrote about health and healing. After him came Claudius Galen, a greek physician who referred to disease causing organisms as the source of diseases and illness. These organisms are today called pathogens – bacteria, virus and other infectious agents, until his theory came into light diseases and illness were viewed as consequences